“The rich are the true social clays”

Talked to Kathrin Hartmann Uber Hartz IV, Super Gentralization and the Politics of Tafels

The increasing turning of the civilizational elements in the mature bourgeois company describes Kathrin Hartmann in her book We must remain outside. A conversation with the author.

Kathrin Hartmann. Photo: Stefanie Fussenich

"Desolate"

Your book is on the one hand from the comprehensive dehumanization of society: people must always subordinate to the needs of the economy, thus increasingly reduced to the homo oeconomicus and the coarse part of the people on their economic partial function as a worker and so profit source for economic growth degraded. If one falls out of this process, come after a short time massive social disclosure mechanisms to wear. On the other hand, with the enforcement of the Burgical People’s and World Picture in all social areas: elite formation, neoliberalism in politics, gentlification etcetera. How do these two thematic complexes together? Kathrin Hartmann: They require each other. Both are the result of a year-long neo-liberal politics, whose victims are all in some form. Even the topsheet, even if you do not believe this. In what way? Kathrin Hartmann: Neoliberalism is a chance to be sold as an opportunity for more personal responsibility, but in truth is a battle announcement: people were made to competitors and sent in the competition. There are winners and losers in this competition. And there are crystal clear economic losers, the new arms and long-term unemployed. The upper class in turn suffers from status panic. Also among the rich, there is a competition for the attractive to their exclusive club. So even under those who materially equipped, it is by no means so that they are happy. In between there is the middle class, which is increasingly threatened by the descent and is always anxious for this reason. But instead of solidarizing with the crisis victims, the middle class occurs downwards and oriented up. This out of the completely mistaken amption that they are more likely to go to the elite, of which they separates much more money and possession than from the underlayer. The smaller the social differences, the gross use of the need to narrow down. This is natural, because the middle class supports all political decisions that herself damage. In fact, this competition has emerged a desolate that goes through the whole society.

"Super Gentralization"

Where this development is particularly eye-catching? Kathrin Hartmann: An example is about the gentlification. The word is already pretty worn, because the media is almost only beloved as a lifestyle war of the latte macchiato drinkers and bugaboo mother. In fact, there is a revaluation strategy of individual neighborhoods operated by business and politics: the municipalities have no more money for social city design and thus simply expand the economic evaluation processes expand. The next level, which is possible at the moment in Berlin, is after the gentlification, the super-gentlification, in which the middle class is displeased by the properly rich, which then want to stay under its pricing slaves in the middle of the city center. The poor are expelled from the neighborhoods and it creates a consumer and investor-friendly environment in the city, where the economic elite earns a lot of money. To what extent does the economy benefit from poverty? Kathrin Hartmann: In a country like Germany, poverty is not a fate, but arises because previously the workers’ rights have been ruined in favor of the economic elite: the socially insured work has been destroyed and the less one has to pay for work, the more profit is made. Everything is financed by the taxpayers – for example, for subsidies, tax relief and the payment of Hartz IV rule rules for workers who can not live from their pay. So the workers are paying for the degradation of their own rights, so that the Shareholders then have everything that the others have done and developed among themselves. What role does Hartz IV legislation play in this process? Kathrin Hartmann: Hartz IV is not just a social and labor market reform, but also a broad, explicit diffusion program. At that time, at the exclusion of the public under the use of McKinsey, Daimler, the Bertelsmann Foundation Etcetera has been decided without any democratic legitimacy. It was enforced in the interest of the Economic Elite from the beginning with a comprehensive discrimination campaign against unemployed. Think about Gerhard Schroders "No-law-on-laziness"-Speech and to the Wolfgang Clement paper, in which social trap were compared with parasites. If you have not explicitly repeated these discriminations if it is not from the beginning one "Guilty" Given – namely the lazy unemployed, the Social Scraper, which is allegedly a beautiful life on our costs -, these reforms were probably not enforceable. Justice is through the concept of "Equity" has been replaced – that’s just the right to claim "contributing".

"The rich life very blissed"

During socially, the proportion of work as a source of vertical benefit decreases the proportion of capital-enhanced. The latter is also taxible in comparison. Nevertheless, the rich of the state believed to be drawn from the state and the arms over the table. Do you have an explanation for this? Kathrin Hartmann: In fact, it is increasingly the wealthy ones who are around their "just" Freely cheated. I wonder if the actually believe or whether this is not just a strategy, so that your wealth will not be questioned. If you look at what the salvation of banks cost us, from which the rich benefit as well as their deposits have been secured and paying how much money of the general public is paid by coarse tax gifts to rich and businesses and through tax havens FLOTEN, then A few hundred billion euros come together. In comparison, the costs for Hartz IV are a joke. Therefore, the social regimen reproach against the poor laughing – the rich are the true social clays. Effect wealth, as once Westerwelle amed his arms, is only available for the rich. According to the financial crisis, the rich of this world may even be able to increase by 20 percent. That these are not interested in the pillory and give up their privileges is clear. On the other hand, the rich lives very well from this society and remain among themselves, so it can be that they believe in their own propaganda. Since they themselves think in the criteria of ruling economic idolology, they are probably convinced that they are "Power carrier" were and that they not only have generated their wealth themselves, but that it is also good for the country when they are rich.

"Devaluation of people"

You have searched for your book in the underlayer. Rights the public picture of the sipped and lazy Hartz IV recipients? Kathrin Hartmann: I do not meet this cliche with my research in social clerkshausern and the tablets. I only met people who want to work and can live from this work. And allowing everything to get a regular job. Unsuccessful mostly, because of these jobs there is hardly any more. May be that there are these phenomena in so-called social focal points, but what I have met, has nothing to do with it. In addition, I do not understand why you look at these people emported and not that you are so excited so much and brings them into such a more common and desperate situation. Alcoholism is a disease and no crime. Of course, there are a lot of people suffering from depression and determines some that are alcoholic. But that you make them the charge as a traster and already biological argues, so it ames you, it is a position in your decaying nature, the few money you get from the state is a joke and also represents a devaluation of these people. They plan for it to interpret people’s poverty not only on the basis of the economic data, but to integrate into a comprehensive poverty concept. You can tell us more about it? Kathrin Hartmann: I believe that poverty has similar causes and a different face worldwide. Poverty is to think globally and can not only be taken in numbers and data. By pressing people in oconomic corner data, anonymized to them and makes them passive. People are not only because they have extremely little money, but also because they can no longer keep up in our consumer society. You have nothing to report and actually no longer report because they are then permanently confronted and contempted. You talk about you and not with you. They traveled to Bangladesh and have seen existential poverty there. Where’s the difference? Kathrin Hartmann: I was a month in Bangladesh for the book, one of the poor Lander in the world. I found that we have a completely false idea in poor countries in the rich West also from poverty in poor countries. These are not people waiting for the woman to build a fountain. I’ve got to know a lot of people who are extremely active, politically engaged and know exactly how they want to deny their lives. This is the difference to poverty in Germany: the people there are not despised for their poverty and have completely different tarpaulin, how poverty should be evaporated. The idea of microcredit and social business, which are so acknowledged here, stobbing on-site in the arms on little enthusiasm – on the contrary, they suffer from the obonomisation of poverty fighting. But poverty is not only material: I was partly what I have paid poor people in Munchen, more depressing than what was reported by people from Bangladesh.

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